Chapter Ⅰ The Press in the Colonial Years (-1765)
Chapter Ⅱ The Press and the Independent Revolution (1765 -1783)
Chapter Ⅲ The Constitution and the Bill of Rights (1783 -1791 )
Chapter Ⅳ The Beginning of Partisan Newspaper ( 1787 - 1800 )
Chapter Ⅴ Mass Democracy and Changes on Journalism (1800 -1833)
Chapter Ⅵ Westward Movement and the Penny Press (1833 -1860 )
Chapter Ⅶ The Civil War Press and the 14th Amendment (1861 -1880)
Chapter Ⅷ Yellow Journalism in Gilded Age ( 1880s -1910s)
Chapter Ⅸ Muck-racking Journalism in Progressive Movement (1890s -1920s)
Chapter Ⅹ Objective (Professional) Journalism ( 1920 - 1945 )
Chapter Ⅺ Judicial Cases by the Supreme Court (1907 -1954)
Chapter Ⅻ The Press in the Cold War (1945 -1954)
Chapter ⅩⅢ Civil Rights Movement ( 1954 - 1960s)
Chapter ⅩⅣ Judicial Cases by the Supreme Court (1964 -1989)
Appendix 1 The Referenced Framework of Researching American Press
Appendix 2 Basic Framework on Modern Philosophic Ideas
Appendix 3 Media Market and Public Sphere
Appendix 4 Classical Liberalism, Social Liberalism and Neo-Liberalism
Appendix 5 Equal-time Rule and Fairness Doctrine
Appendix 6 The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere
Appendix 7 Library of Court Decisions for Freedom of Speech and Press
Appendix 8 Basic Readings in U.S. Democracy
There are two methods of curing the mischief of faction:the one,by removing its causes;the other,by controlling its effects.
There are again two methods of removing the causes of faction:the one by destroying the libertywhich is essential to its existence;the other,by giving to every citizen the same opinions,the same passions,and the same interests.
It could never be more truly said than of the first remedy,that it is worse than the disease.Liberty isto faction,what air is to fire,an aliment without which it instantly expires.But it could not be a less follyto abolish liberty,which is essential to political life,because it nourishes faction,than it would be to wishthe annihilation of air,which is essential to animal life,because it imparts to fire its destructive agency.
The second expedient is as impracticable,as the first would be unwise.As long as the reason of mancontinues fallible,and he is at liberty to exercise it,different opinions will be formed.As long as the connection subsists between his reason and his self-love,his opinions and his passions will have a reciprocalinfluence on each other;and the former will be objects to which the latter will attach themselves. he diversity in the faculties of men from which the rights of property originate,is not less an insuperable obstacle to a uniformity of interests.The protection of these faculties is the first object of Government.Fromthe protection of different and unequal faculties of acquiring property,the possession of different degreesand kinds of property immediately results;and from the influence of these on the sentiments and views ofthe respective proprietors,ensues a division of the society into different interests and parties.
The latent causes of faction are thus sown in the nature of man;and we see them every wherebrought into different degrees of activity,according to the different circumstances of civil society.Theregulation of these various and interfering interests forms the principal task of modem Legislation,and involves the spirit of party and faction in the necessary and ordinary operations of Government.